COVID-19 and the Rise of Conspiracy Theories: How Mental Health Advocacy Can Help Limit the Spread of Conspiracy Theories

Annelies Quinton

Abstract

Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, conspiracy theories have risen in popularity, which has had political, social, and individual consequences. This rise stems, in part, from individuals’ unmet psychological needs, such as information control and positive outlook. Due to the reinforcing nature of conspiracy theories, their increased uptake during the pandemic will have lasting effects. In order to slow the spread of conspiracy theories, mental health advocacy is critical. The psychological needs of people susceptible to conspiracy theories can be addressed through the utilization of trusted physicians and transparent medical coverage, thereby limiting the likelihood of support of conspiracy theories.

Article

The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted the entire globe, leading to death, fear, and uncertainty. In this sense of uncertainty some have sought solace in conspiracy theories because they “offer simple answers to complex problems.” ¹ In 2020, approximately 71% of Americans had heard of at least one conspiracy theory, and 49.7% of Americans believed one. ^2,3 One prominent theory entertained the idea of government officials having planned the COVID-19 pandemic and garnered the support of around one-quarter of U.S adults. ² The consequences of the popularity of such conspiracy theories include decreased vaccination rates and low government support, which only protract the pandemic. ⁴ However, the increased uptake of conspiracy theories is not merely about resisting pandemic safety protocols; their uptake is linked to a rise in psychological needs that the COVID-19 pandemic fostered and exacerbated for many. In order to reduce the spread of conspiracy theories, and the misinformation and skepticism they perpetuate, mental health advocacy is necessary.

Conspiracy theories serve as “attempts to explain the ultimate causes of significant social and political events and circumstances with claims of secret plots by two or more powerful actors.” ⁵ They often flourish in environments where the presence of epistemic, existential, and social motives exists.⁵ Epistemic motives refer to the concept that lack of information often leads one to accept conspiracy theories, especially as a way to explain illogical or random events. Similarly, when an individual perceives their existential needs to be at risk, they can turn to conspiracy theories to regain control in their life. ⁵ Finally, social motives can lead to conspiracy theories. Studies have found links between conspiracy theories and narcissism, and between desires to feel unique compared to others. ^6,7 Additionally, those who view themselves or others negatively tend to be more susceptible to conspiracy theories. ³ These epistemic, existential, and social motives illustrate how conspiracy theories become a tool to reconcile one’s psychological needs: the need of information, need of control, and need of positive self outlook.

Throughout the pandemic, the environment surrounding conspiracy theories has reflected these motives as many individuals lacked reliable information, faced uncertainty toward their health and the direction of the pandemic, and experienced interruptions to their social exposure. At the onset of the pandemic, U.S. Surgeon General Dr. Jerome Adams and Dr. Anthony Fauci instructed the public of the inefficacy of masks, with no acknowledgment toward the ongoing studies and their uncertainty. ⁸ Within a month, this messaging reversed. ⁸ This lack of transparency with the public continued, with only 24% of Americans believing COVID-19 information relayed by the Trump administration and task force. ⁹ Increasing levels of anxiety during the pandemic also suggest the impact of pandemic uncertainty: rates of anxiety-related symptoms among U.S adults increased by 13% between August of 2020 and December of 2020. ¹⁰ Regarding social motives, when isolation protocols heightened, individuals’ social interactions declined. Social isolation and loneliness is linked to the development of negative thoughts and outlooks. ¹¹ With recognition that people can look to conspiracy theories when facing epistemic, existential, and social motives, the pandemic’s fueling of all three explains why conspiracy theories popularized during the pandemic.

Beyond the pandemic, conspiracy theories are likely to persist because of their self-reinforcing nature. This characteristic makes it difficult for people to stop believing theories, even if their initial environment that led them to the theories has improved. For some, the adoption of conspiracy theories actually contributed to feelings of lack of control, unlike the sense of power that many seek when they adopt conspiracy theories. ¹² Further, social isolation can result from conspiracy theories, reinforcing the negative mental health consequences from lack of social interaction. Finally, conspiracy theories provide temporary fulfillment of one’s psychological needs. Such transient satisfaction leads a person to continue believing in conspiracy theories in order to preserve the momentary relief they provide. ¹² In fact, among conspiracy theory believers, most people believe multiple, rather than just one, theories. ¹³

It is necessary to curtail the spread of conspiracy theories not only because of the effect on the individual but also their political and social ramifications. Such examples include decreased public political engagement after exposure to theories that depict the government as distrustful. ¹⁴ While they emerged long before the conspiracies surrounding COVID-19, climate change conspiracies also furnish a prescient example of the threat conspiracies pose to mitigation strategy: the intention to reduce one’s carbon footprint reduced after theories of climate change as a hoax emerged. ¹⁴ To reduce conspiracy theories and their consequences, effective plans must incorporate targeted support towards those in conspiracy-theory-susceptible environments.

Physicians can help in the effort to intercept conspiracy theories. Primary care physicians were regarded by 90% of U.S adults as a trustworthy source—significantly higher than other main information outlets, such as media, which only half of adults perceived to produce trustworthy information. ¹⁵ The level of public support physicians enjoy demonstrates the opportunity physicians have to aid their patients in identifying misinformation, providing them the knowledge of other trustworthy sources, and referring them to alternative care providers, such as psychiatrists, who might help people remove themselves from conspiracy theory cycles. However, this support often works best for those willing to accept the care, not typically common among conspiracists. ¹⁶ Ultimately, however, the role of the trusted care provider becomes essential in countering conspiracists because their beliefs often center around ideas of mistrust and uncertainty.

On a larger scale, uptake of the Center for Disease Control’s Crisis & Emergency Risk Communication (CERC) guidelines can limit the existential motives that draw people to conspiracy theories. This framework, developed to promote effective public health messaging, provides six key guidelines for communicators: be first, be right, be credible, express empathy, promote action, and show respect. Countries, such as New Zealand, have demonstrated the effectiveness of these recommendations by promoting messaging around unity and camaraderie when lockdown measures occurred. These campaigns increased public confidence in the government’s actions and willingness to commit to the public health measures. ⁸ Vietnam’s diverse messaging campaign, through social media platforms, saw similar results of greater trust and confidence in their public health measures, compared to the United States. ⁸

The psychological needs that can lead one to accept conspiracy theories prove why the inclusion of mental health advocacy must be present when trying to reduce the spread of conspiracy theories. Current conversations for reducing conspiracy theories often include the importance of limiting the spread of misinformation. ¹⁷ However, solutions must also consider the individual and how conspiracy theories act as a tool for people who have psychological needs that their environment cannot provide. Ultimately, proposals that reduce the epistemic, existential, and social motives of conspiracy theory uptake are ideal because they address the root causes of conspiracy theories and might be easier to implement than an attempt to outright eliminate misinformation.

About the Author

Annelies Quinton is an associate editor for the Harvard Health Policy Review and a current first-year at Harvard College. She is interested in studying Government on a Data Science Track.

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